With the passing of Ayatollah Boroujerdi in Farvardin (March/April) 1961, the Shah felt that the time was ripe for implementing reforms. Issues like the approval of state and provincial councils, conducting a referendum on the White Revolution’s seven principles, and the penetration of Zionists into the country’s affairs – which in reality threatened Iran’s independence – led Imam Khomeini to take the leadership of the Islamic movement against America’s imposition of policies. He initiated a campaign against the Shah’s policies starting in the middle of 1962. Imam Khomeini utilized the strong anti-Israel sentiments in Iran and, with precise information about the Shah’s hidden relations with Israel, launched the most severe reactions and attacks against Iran-Israel relations. This included his historic speech on the 13th of Khordad (June 3, 1963), which he compared to the events of Ashura. The consequences of the June 15, 1963 uprising led to the Shah publicly declaring his incapability of establishing formal political relations with Israeli authorities, despite the insistence of Israeli officials, especially David Ben-Gurion, to establish formal political relations between the two countries.
Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, one of the central issues in Iran’s foreign policy was the elimination of the occupying regime in Jerusalem, a topic repeatedly emphasized by Imam Khomeini. During his time in exile, Imam Khomeini consistently regarded the political relations between Iran, the United States, and Israel as dangerous for the Islamic world. For this reason, shortly after the Islamic Revolution’s triumph, the interim government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in February 1979, severed ties with Israel. Iran welcomed Yasser Arafat, the Palestinian leader, as the first foreign leader, and the Palestinian flag was hoisted on the roof of the Zionist regime’s embassy.
It was evident that the Islamic Revolution, with one of its main objectives being the support of Muslims worldwide, would prioritize the Palestinian issue. Iran’s regional foreign policy at that time was based on serious opposition to Israel. While relations with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and opposition to Israel were aligned before the imposed war (Iran-Iraq War), after the PLO’s alignment with Iraq and its Arab orientation, Iran’s opposition to Israel continued, albeit in conjunction with support for Palestinian aspirations, despite tensions in Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union.
Iran’s attention to the Palestine issue is due to its strategic and sensitive nature. The land of Masjid al-Aqsa, the first Qibla of Muslims, and the burial place of great prophets like Solomon, has garnered global attention and respect across various religions. This makes occupied Palestine the focus of global concern. In this context, the struggle between Palestine and Israel is, in fact, an unspoken battle between Islam and disbelief. In other words, if Israel were to achieve stability and realize its plan for an independent Jewish state with the support of the global hegemony, especially from the Nile to the Euphrates, this would be recorded as a defeat for Islam and Muslims. Therefore, it is essential to prevent Israel’s stability and existence.
On the other hand, the theory of establishing a global Islamic government becomes feasible with the demonstration of Muslim power against Jews in Palestine. Imam Khomeini considered the Palestinian issue, the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the Palestinian Muslim nation to have an inseparable and strong bond. During his stay in Najaf, representatives of the Liberation Movement in Najaf met with Imam Khomeini and discussed the conspiracies of global arrogance and Zionism and their suppression of Palestinian liberation movements. Israel, due to its failure to establish relations with Iran, attempted to isolate our country on regional and international levels. It placed hostility toward Iran at the forefront of its foreign policy. Some believe that the attack by Iraq on Iran was orchestrated with Zionist provocations. Moreover, secret enmities against Iran occurred during the years of the war, but it was only after the occupation of Kuwait that Israel openly turned to hostility against Iran, aiming for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. Currently, Israel’s foreign policy regarding Iran mainly revolves around creating a coalition against the country and is even contemplating a military strike against Iran. In the meantime, international Zionism has extensive influence in global financial markets and major media outlets. Simultaneously, the Zionist lobby has exerted substantial subversive efforts within the decision-making institutions in the United States, further empowering the Zionist regime on the soft power front. Sanctions imposed by the United States against Iran and the dissemination of misleading media campaigns regarding Iran’s nuclear program are part of a broader strategy to isolate Iran. Israel has played a prominent role in shaping these strategies. Israel has three main strategies on its agenda: attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities similar to the Osirak attack in Iraq. However, this proves challenging because Iran’s nuclear facilities are scattered and highly secure, and Iran possesses formidable retaliatory capabilities. Secondly, the assassination of Iranian personalities and elites was a strategy that was implemented in the early days of the Revolution and could have been effective at the time given the country’s unstable situation. Lastly, instigating the United States and the White House for an attack on Iran and its occupation, mirroring the Iraq scenario. It is a strategic blunder by the West and Zionism to compare Iran with other Middle Eastern countries. Iran is unique in terms of both religion and civilization, which has led to political influence that is inconceivable for Iran in the region. Any attack on Iran would swiftly draw in the entire Middle East and the Caucasus, which is beyond the control of the United States or any other country and could potentially lead to a world war. Nevertheless, Israel’s current foreign policy towards Iran is highly hostile, and Iran has stated that it does not recognize this regime. Until all Palestinian refugees return to their homeland and exercise their right to self-determination, the issue of Palestine will not be resolved. Amidst these circumstances, Israel’s psychological warfare and pressure on Iran to comply with the wishes of Zionists and the West cannot be effective.
